"I think that the Korean working class is generally in retreat and on the defensive like the working class just about everywhere else."
not to judge by the news section on this site it's not...
"I agree with the ICC and IP that in around the time of World War I in 1914, capitalism reached certain point in history in which it ceased to be a progressive mode of production on a world scale. Historically we see that in the first century of capitalism's existence from the early 19th century to 1914, there was a steady development of productive forces, and a growth of the working class on a world scale. And I believe that what happened in the period, let's say the decade prior to World War I, capitalism got to stage where that kind of development could no longer happen in a peaceful evolutionary manner."
oh god, here we go again reducing people to machines of production and consumption and worshiping 'the development of productive forces.' ... and that's not even really true. it has always been a regressive mode. capitalism sabotages productivity. it was doing that back then too... controls prices that way.
"SaNoShin: What is the notion of decadence? Is it not the same as the ICC's?
LG: Let me just add one more thing. Different regions in the world, East Asia (Japan, Korea, China, Taiwan), Russia, India, Europe, are all unsatisfied with the current world system, and would like to reorganize it. But none of them is individually strong enough to overthrow the power of the United States. I think that's the kind of world geo-political context for the ongoing crisis.
But nevertheless this is only one level of the problem. The deeper level is that, as in 1914, there cannot be an expanded world boom, it couldn't be within a capitalist framework because I believe that capitalist law of value is no longer capable of expanding the world productive forces in the same way it did prior to 1914.
The reason for that is that socially necessary labor time of reproduction is the foundation for capitalist accumulation. That's what I mean when I say that capitalist productivity increases and makes the world workers' wage bill become a smaller part of the total, though its material content can rise.
In this system, you know, as the Communist Manifesto says, the crisis occurs because the system is too productive to be contained within capitalist social relationships.
So what it had to do from 1914 to 1945 was to destroy productive forces and most importantly, workers to recreate conditions for accumulation using capitalist exchange, The capitalist law of value, to create a new foundation in which capitalist commodity exchange at the cost of reproduction could take place within capitalist social relationships after the mass destruction. And since the early 1970s, we've seen new massive destruction trying to achieve the same thing."
(fails to answer question at all, quotes commie manifesto)
the foundation for capitalist accumulation is socially UNnecessary labor time. surplus value. workers recreate the conditions for their own alienation using capitalist exchange... the conditions for accumulation are created by the capitalist organization of exploitation and waste is a necessary part of that. the crisis occurs because the system's too unproductive of human social relationships.
"SaNoShin: I think all revolutionaries should be militants but that's not all.
LG: Yes, right. And the problem is to combine being a good militant with something that is really pointing beyond immediate militancy, beyond trade unionism.
SaNoShin: In Korea, there have been many militant workers since 1987 but they didn't go beyond militancy or militant unionism and nowadays are just unionists. I think it's the revolutionaries' fault. The militant workers could have become revolutionaries but the majority of the revolutionaries failed to carry out the revolutionary principles with them. And degenerated themselves to mere unionists
....
LG:...And I just wanted to say, there's a great expression for what happens to revolutionary militants who just become ordinary militants, which is "If you quack like a duck long enough, you will grow webbed feet"
words words words. militants are so boring.




I just thought I'd post the link to this interview, because it's particularly good. Basically, it covers off Goldner's political perspective on alot of the major theoretical questions (unions, nationalism, councilism, the bolsheviks, etc.), and situating them within the left communist tradition in a very accessible way (helped me understand Bordiga a bit more, for instance):
http://home.earthlink.net/~lrgoldner/sanoshin.html
I'd always thought of left communism as being a bit mad (as manifest by the ICC), but Goldner makes it seem coherent, considered and plausible - partly by kicking the ICC all over the shop. It's great that this is now part of the theoretical record:
Anyway, I know it's been linked to before (I think in one of the anarchism vs. marxism debates), but I think it's worth reading the whole thing.
I think Goldner still holds onto an odd pre/post-1917 split in the analysis of nationalism, while appearing to successfully have broken with that in respect of unions. This is from an email to a friend on the subject:
I guess sommeone will have an answer for me on that...
Anyway, I'd be interested to hear other critique of Goldner, as he comes across in this interview.